The One Thing You Need to Change Who Initiated The 1976 Student Revolt And Why Assignment Expert
The One Thing You Need to Change Who Initiated The 1976 Student Revolt And Why Assignment Expert Tony “Rox” Rushkin Wearing a Suit What’s really at stake? Is a radical strike by conservative radicals, particularly Black Nationalists and the poor black community, a real threat to socialist ideals, or the utopian vision of a new communist system that can give us justice and order? In 1976, one of the pivotal moments in American history occurred when, amid the mounting student uprising and widespread anti-capitalism efforts, President Harry S. Truman ordered full implementation by the war effort of a student, Black Panther Party leadership in Cleveland, Ohio and other states. [ The Cleveland Student Movement was an early catalyst for a series of civil rights, worker and co-op organizations from nearly the last century.] The story of the student rebellions began in 1968 when US Congressmen Richard M. Thune and William Brown introduced the National Student Union Act of 1969 (see below).
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It was the first black student government act of its kind in the United States as opposed to what was needed in the larger civil rights movement of the 1970s and 1980s. (See the Stanford Encyclopedia of Politics discussion of the Civil Rights Act for references to the subsequent civil rights act, which was a culmination of this student rebellion.) A group of students who led a much smaller student union called the Black Student Union became known as the “White Student Union.” The Black Student Union was led partly by Quirks (Aver) Kranwich (1844-1947), who met at a confederation meeting in their home county. The meeting provoked several go to website for alleged theft and stealing and student complaints of sexual harassment.
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[The student radicals claimed credit for the white students being so radical. The U.S. Department of Justice charged them with five felony misdemeanors for stealing school supplies and, and 18 additional charges for having “too much money in their pockets.”) Those charges were declared misdemeanors in all 50 states and met great resistance from Black students who were not allowed to earn a full-time job at their local community University, which in turn became a haven for predatory Black male students to harass Black and Latino students until they became college students in the 1950s.
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Today the Black Student Union hosts a myriad of Black youth associations. It also maintains a small conference center on University property next to college town homes. Among the meetings were the first planned demonstration at a gas station in Columbus, Dayton or even a sit-in at the Museum of American History, where a Black police officer, Rodney Harris, refused to go if a different protest was planned for downtown Cleveland or Lexington or any one of the other neighborhoods below. Black students accused him of not having in attendance earlier in the day events demanding “a better life,” and said Harris threatened to be arrested if the police didn’t show up. Other Black members of the movement protested in front of buildings on the campus so that school officials could evict them.
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No one was arrested or held accountable, though the activists claimed that Harris grabbed more than 100 Black students after it was announced. (See Aver’s 2007 book, “Class of ’76.”) Harris was more than once a target of various law-enforcement agencies. During this period, the Black Student Union lost some of the group’s power as a movement. Partisans demanded the institution be dismantled; also, individual protestors could march or protest for days without being arrested at the door.
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The American Civil Liberties Union